!! Is Gants role over

Is Gants' role 'over?

Mohamad Alsahli

One month was enough for Netanyahu to seriously consider ways to get rid of the limitations of the coalition deal with Gantz. And since the foundations of this agreement were established in the Knesset, amending it requires another parliamentary decision or disengagement from it, by resorting to early elections, in the event that Netanyahu cannot form a new government without the participation of "Kahol Lavan".

This was expected from the moment the agreement was signed for many reasons, the most prominent of which is that Netanyahu will not hand over the keys to the presidency of the government to his replacement, Gantz, upon the half-term of his term according to the agreement, and that his "Likud" party can no longer tolerate "Kahol Lavan" seizing about half of the government seats, and it is not has the parliamentary power to qualify it for a third of it.

As expected, Netanyahu will start trying to persuade Gantz to amend the deal before resorting to other options in the event that his attempt fails.

Netanyahu wants the first six months of the government (3 years), as part of his term, not to be counted as "an emergency period." He finds an introduction to this by proposing to amend the government's term to 4 years. But this - even if it does - does not solve the problem with the "Likud", who considers itself oppressed in the number of ministerial case that it assumed under the coalition agreement with "Kahol Lavan". Nor does the implementation of this proposal end Netanyahu's troubles at the head of the new government:

• The implementation of the annexation plan is at the top of the tasks of this government, which, in his view, should be a single row behind the arrangements and mechanisms that he determines to implement this scheme. Netanyahu was alarmed by the analyzes that spoke of major differences within the government towards this "sensitive" file within his political project.

Netanyahu believes that developing these differences will negatively affect many situations inside and outside Israel, both regionally and internationally. It also reflects negatively on his continuous endeavor to put the settlers at the forefront of the driving forces towards implementing the plan by convincing them that his government's agenda in implementing the "deal of the century" focuses only on annexing the settlements and most of the "C" areas, and that what is presented about the establishment of a Palestinian state is primarily outside his interest and endeavor. .

Netanyahu did not hide his deep annoyance at the behavior and positions of Gantz, who always presents himself as an influential partner in government and a close head of government, while poles of "Kahol Lavan" continue to criticize him, including Minister Meirav Cohen, whom he deems untrustworthy, in addition to standing the Minister of Justice, Avi Nissenkorn, is against him, and this is something that bothers and annoys him in connection with his ongoing trial against the backdrop of his official accusation of corruption and other offenses. From this angle, Netanyahu is concerned about the failure of "Kahol Lavan" to agree to the government's resignation in the Knesset if Netanyahu's judicial file is complicated in the near term and he is condemned.

• Netanyahu cannot ignore the protests inside the Likud over the large share of cabinet seats that went to “Kahol Lavan” as a price to form the new government. Many party leaders believe that the option of the fourth elections was less costly to them than the consequences of this formation. They conclude that the fourth early elections option was not closed, especially that opinion polls give them the possibility of forming a government headed by the Likud only, in light of the decline that affected the popularity of their opponents and their competitors after the step which taken by Gantz to dissolve the main "Kahol Lavan" alliance and the disintegration of the Zionist coalitions that rivaled Netanyahu.

These demands coincide with Netanyahu's desire to escape the restrictions of the coalition agreement with "Kahol Lavan". Therefore, the dispute between the two main parties to the government is expected to escalate in the coming period, which may witness new negotiations between them in an attempt by Netanyahu to land a "Kahol Lavan" when he demands to amend the agreement between them, even though the assessment of the observers says that even if this happens, the early fourth elections will not be delayed, which Gantz is trying to avoid by showing as much flexibility as possible in his new negotiations with Netanyahu.

In this regard, it can be said that the course of implementation of the annexation scheme plays an important role in determining whether the question of early elections will take place in the near future. On the one hand, Netanyahu does not want any postponement regarding the implementations of annexation and preoccupation with the elections, and on the other hand, it is not possible to disrupt this scheme through the consequences of a difficult government coalition as he is leading now.

From this angle, it is mostly appreciated that Netanyahu follows a tactic in which he can "control" the rhythm of his government partner's performance on the path that he wants, while keeping the early elections danger on him, until the due date for handing over the prime minister to Gantz approaches. This means that much of the time will be practically clear on the land of the annexation scheme. It is clear that Netanyahu will resort to many maneuvers to pass the annexation scheme by suggesting that it is limited and includes only the structure of the major settlements, and this in itself is a failed suggestion because the annexation of any Palestinian land to the occupation state is rejected. Nevertheless, these maneuvers will continue and will be joined by the American misinformation speech, and recently drew attention to what is being promoted by some political circles in the occupied Palestinian territories and outside the possibility of the Trump administration's retreat from the "deal of the century" and thus the possibility of postponing the annexation project, at a time when everyone is aware Netanyahu emphasized that the annexation would be implemented in stages, beginning with the major settlements (10% of the West Bank area), followed by later steps to reach the annexation of 33% of the West Bank.

From this angle, too, the Palestinian case will be a feverish race, with the passage of time, which is supposed to accumulate over the Palestinian steps and measures capable of putting sticks in the wheels of the accelerated annexation path. The Palestinian rejection of annexation is accompanied by regional and international positions ranging from rejection, warning and caution, and this means that the practical and unified Palestinian position in the face of the annexation scheme will affect these positions, especially if the Palestinian position is comprehensive, politically, diplomatically, and in the field on the land through wide popular participation on the fronts confrontation with the occupation and settlement in all parts of the occupied Palestinian West Bank, including Jerusalem.

Translated by: Manal Mansour

Mohamad Alsahli: Editor in Chief of Alhourriah newspaper, the official speaker of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine